Tag Archives: war on terror
Grading The War On Terror
Posted by on October 10, 2014
Lincoln, Civil Liberties, and the Constitution proposes a grading system for those Presidents of the United States of America who enacted special ‘internal security measures‘ in a time of war. Mark Neely ‘graded’ four American Presidents, according to an analysis of their administration’s response to the internal security measures they enacted. He asked three simple questions that were all about behaviour and not about the law. Read more of this post
Lincoln, Civil Liberties, and the Constitution
Posted by on October 10, 2014
My post ‘Grading The War On Terror‘ was prompted by my listening to a talk given by Mark Neely – McCabe Greer Professor in the American Civil War Era (Penn State University). The talk, given on behalf of The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, is shown as the first video and the following text is my – edited – transcript of that talk. There are links added to my transcript where something useful may be found. Mark Neely frequently refers to ‘Our Lincoln’, which is a reference to the book Our Lincoln: New Perspectives on Lincoln and His World, a collection of essays compiled and edited by Eric Foner (pdf reviewed by Jason Miller). Mark Neely contributed the essay ‘Civil Liberties and the Constitution’ to the book and this is the essay to which Neely refers in his opening remark. Read more of this post
Anti Terrorist Legislation
Posted by on September 7, 2014
On 1st September 2014 the Prime Minister argued that there may need to be an enhancing of the Government’s power to exclude individuals from certain areas whilst re-introducing the ability to move subjects without their consent. He announced a series of new measures to assist with combating terrorist threats, declaring that the Government would “introduce new powers to add” to the current system of Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures (TPIMs). Specifically, that this would involve expanding them to include “enhanced” exclusion zones and a reintroduction of relocation orders. Looking specifically at the ability to exclude individuals from certain areas, it is difficult to see what new powers the Government requires. Read more of this post
From WMD To WMH
Posted by on August 27, 2014
The dramatic irony of the outrage expressed that Iraq may possess weapons of mass destruction (WMD) was compounded by the that facts the UK possessed WMD, is one of the ‘Big Six’ arms exporters and is a permanent member of the UN Security Council. A professional media portrayed Saddam Hussein as a brutal megalomaniac who oppressed his people. Political duplicity gave voice to exhortations that ‘we must do something to end this oppression’ and join with the USA in the Coalition of the Willing. Read more of this post
The Patriot
Posted by on August 6, 2014
Samuel Johnson was not indicting patriotism when he said in 1775: “Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel”. As James Boswell wrote: ‘He (Johnson) was at all times indignant against that false patriotism, that pretended love of freedom, that unruly restlessness, which is inconsistent with the stable authority of any good government’ – Boswell’s Life Of Johnson. Neither was Stephen Decatur giving support to those patriots that Johnson railed against, when he said in 1820: “But right or wrong, our country!”. Decatur, often misquoted as saying ‘my country right or wrong‘, actually said: “Our Country! in her intercourse with foreign nations, may she always be in the right, but right or wrong, our country!”. By 1872 the misquotation of Decatur was clearly in the nation’s psyche when used to criticize the views of Carl Schurz, eliciting the response: “My country, right or wrong, if right, to be kept right; and if wrong to be set right.”. However, what is needed to set right a country has always – and will always – create dissent, especially amongst those who would be a patriot. Read more of this post
The State, Domestic Extremism and Terrorism.
Posted by on October 28, 2013
The Fenian Dynamite Campaign was carried out between 1881 and 1885 when Irish-American Fenianism undertook a sustained terrorist campaign incorporating a series of explosions in British urban centres.The London Underground was the main target, with the bombing attacks creating a sense of terror throughout London. For the first time in British history, the Irish question was not confined to Ireland but now affected daily life in British cities through the unprecedented experience of political violence.
To combat this threat, a covert operation known as The Special Irish Branch was formed in 1883 whose a remit was to spy on and infiltrate Irish radicals. The Special Irish Branch eventually became known as simply The Special Branch and while it continued to spy on Irish activists, it soon broadened its remit as it moved to tackle what is now called “domestic extremism”. The role of The Special Branch, particularly in connection with domestic extremism, is possibly a source of greater controversy today than when it was involved in the late 19th century war on terror.
